1
10
47
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https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/anti-slaverymedallion_43aa89018d.png
f9841e33fcb2c29083d29a2ba346c87f
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833
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900
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8
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Artifact
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"Am I Not a Man and a Brother?"
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English
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
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This medallion was created by Josiah Wedgwood, a British ceramics maker and abolitionist, around 1787. The image of the kneeling slave in chains asking "Am I Not a Man and a Brother?" became an international symbol of the abolitionist movement. The image was widely reproduced during the late eighteenth century, appearing on crockery, snuffboxes, and jewelry, becoming a fashionable accessory among English abolitionists. Benjamin Franklin, who received a set of the medallions while serving as president of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, wrote of the image's effectiveness that it was "equal to that of the best written Pamphlet, in procuring favour to those oppressed People."
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Josiah Wedgwood
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William Hackwood, <em>Medallion</em>, after 1786, tinted stoneware, 1 1/4 x 1 1/4 in. (3.2 x 3.2 cm), Brooklyn Museum, http://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/2586.
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Used by permission of the Brooklyn Museum.
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1
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1786 (Circa)
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Revolution and New Nation (1751-1815)
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Slavery and Abolition
Social Movements
Social Movements
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/ifeellikeimfixintodierag_c8e20cf70a.mp3
1db63774a0bdf3af8b33fa01d25c4418
Music/Song
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3:40
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<p>Come on all of you big strong men,<br /> Uncle Sam needs your help again.<br /> He's got himself in a terrible jam<br /> Way down yonder in Viet Nam<br /> So put down your books and pick up a gun<br /> We're gonna have a whole lotta fun.</p>
<p>(CHORUS)<br /><em>And it's one, two, three,<br />What are we fighting for<br />Don't ask me, I don't give a damn,<br />Next stop is Viet Nam;<br />And it's five, six, seven,<br />Open up the pearly gates,<br />Well there ain't no time to wonder why,<br />Whoopee! we're all gonna die.</em></p>
<p>Come on generals, let's move fast<br /> Your big chance has come at last.<br /> Gotta go out and get those reds—<br /> The only good commie is the one that's dead<br /> You know that peace can only be won<br /> When we've blown 'em all to kingdom come.</p>
<p>Come on Wall Street don't move slow,<br /> Why man this war is a go-go<br /> There's plenty good money to be made<br /> Supplying the Army with the tools of the trade<br /> Just hope and pray that if they drop the bomb,<br /> They drop it on the Viet Cong</p>
<p>Come on mothers throughout the land<br /> Pack your boys off to Viet Nam.<br /> Come on fathers, don't hesitate,<br /> Send your sons off before it's too late.<br /> You can be the first one on your block<br /> To have your boy come home in a box.</p>
Performer
Country Joe and the Fish
Lyricist
Joe McDonald
Composer
Joe McDonald
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Music/Song
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English
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
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"I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die-Rag"
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In 1959, at the age of seventeen, Joe McDonald joined the Navy. After his discharge three years later, he enrolled in a Los Angeles college where he became involved in the Civil Rights Movement. In 1965, McDonald moved to Berkeley, California just as protests against the Vietnam War were becoming more visible. He formed a band called Country Joe and the Fish which recorded the "Fixin-to-Die-Rag" in October. The song, while never a commercial success, became one of the most powerful anthems of the anti-war movement.
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Joe McDonald
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Joe McDonald, "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die-Rag," sound recording and lyrics, <em>I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die</em> (Tradition Music, BMI, 1965).
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Used by permission of Joe McDonald.
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1
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1013, 1438
Date
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1965
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Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/85d51ccad7491138e7dc7d2572614d41.jpg
188489503680fba36afb769355eec6ee
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3
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428
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303
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Dublin Core
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"Jailed for Freedom" Pin
Description
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In 1916, the National Women’s Party (NWP) began picketing the White House. NWP members criticized President Woodrow Wilson for going to war “to make the world safe for democracy†in World War I, while in the United States women were denied the right to vote. Police arrested the picketers for blocking traffic, and a judge sentenced them to seven months in prison. To recognize their sacrifice and heroism for the cause of suffrage, the NWP presented the women with small silver pins in the shape of a locked prison door.
Creator
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National Women's Party
Source
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"The Object of History, National Museum of American History, http://objectofhistory.org/objects/extendedtour/votingmachine/?order=10
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1
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1917
Coverage
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Modern America (1914-1929)
Subject
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Gender and Sexuality
Social Movements
Social Movements
Voting
-
Article/Essay
Text
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<p>Thirty-five years ago, as a college student activist in March of 1968, I joined more than 1,000 Mexican-American students who walked out of Abraham Lincoln High School in East Los Angeles.</p>
<p>We were later joined by several thousand more students who walked out of three other predominantly Mexican-American high schools. By the end of the week, more than 10,000 had participated in the walkouts.<br /><br />Our purpose was to peacefully protest the racism and educational inequality Mexican-American youth faced in public schools.<br /><br />Students marched through the streets of Los Angeles for a week and a half and used civil disobedience to disrupt the nation's largest public-school system. We were delighted when students from the predominantly African-American Thomas Jefferson High School in South Central Los Angeles also walked out in solidarity with us.<br /><br />We did not know it at the time, but in terms of numbers, the walkouts were the first major dramatic protest against racism ever staged by Mexican Americans in the history of the United States. It was carried out in the nonviolent protest tradition of the southern Civil Rights Movement. Its historical significance was similar to the 1960 black student sit-ins in Greensboro, N.C.<br /><br />Whereas the Greensboro student protest fueled the flames of the civil rights struggle in the south, the Los Angeles walkouts signaled the beginnings of the Mexican-American civil rights movement — which came to be known as the Chicano movement — throughout the southwestern United States.</p>
<p><strong>Thirteen arrested, long ordeal</strong></p>
<p>Three months after the high-school walkouts, 13 organizers were indicted for conspiracy to "willfully disturb the peace and quiet" of the city of Los Angeles.</p>
<p>I was a first-year graduate student and the president of my campus chapter of the United Mexican American Students. I was arrested in the early morning hours while hard at work on a term paper due for one of my graduate seminars. I have never forgotten the trauma my family and I were forced to endure that day.<br /><br />The imprisonment I experienced after my arrest was equally traumatic. When I was in jail, my attorney told me each of us faced 66 years in prison if convicted of the conspiracy charges.</p>
<p>It took two years for our conspiracy case to be decided by the California State Appellate Court. The court finally ruled that the 13 of us were innocent of the conspiracy charges by virtue of the First Amendment.<br /><br />I remain eternally grateful that we have an amendment granting us the right of freedom of speech. If that amendment did not exist, I could still be in prison today instead of teaching at the University of California, Berkeley.</p>
<p><strong>Gains not realized</strong></p>
<p>The Chicano movement opened doors for equal opportunity in higher education to youth previously systematically excluded from those institutions.<br /><br />Chicano Studies, for example, produced a generation of activist intellectuals and professionals deeply committed to playing a role in the struggle against racism in our society.</p>
<p>But the walkouts — and the Chicano movement they ignited — did not eliminate Latino educational inequality.<br /><br />According to the 2000 Census, 30% of Latino youth drop out of high school — compared to 8% of white students and 12% of blacks. In some inner-city school districts, the dropout rates for Latinos are even higher. And the majority of Latino students who do graduate from high school are not eligible for college admission because they have been academically ill equipped.<br /><br />In California, Gov. Gray Davis has cut the education budget by millions of dollars. His priority has been to build more prisons instead of more and better schools.<br /><br />At the national level, President Bush remains out of touch with the needs of Latino youth in the public schools in spite of proclaiming himself the "Education President" during his presidential campaign.<br /><br />Federal funding for public schools is grossly inadequate to meet needs. Bush has yet to allocate funding for the development of a multicultural curriculum that can make the Latino experience — and that of other people of color — an integral component of public schooling. His priority is war.<br /><br />The time has come for another round of student strikes against educational inequality. This time, however, Latino and other students of color must place the issue in the context of a struggle not only against racism but also against militarism and the prison-industrial complex.</p>
<p><em>Carlos Muñoz Jr. is the author of "Youth, Identity, Power: The Chicano Movement" (Verso Press, 1989), which won the Gustavus Myers Outstanding Book Award for scholarship on a subject of human rights in the Americas. He also is professor emeritus in the department of ethnic studies at U.C. Berkeley. He can be reached at pmproj@progressive.org.</em></p>
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Type
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Article/Essay
Title
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"Latino Student Walkouts: In 35 Years, What Has Changed?"
Language
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English
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
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<p>Professor and author Carlos Muñoz, Jr. describes his participation in the 1968 Los Angeles walkouts and the aftermath. He then explores the current inequalities in education and calls for a new wave of student activism and protest.</p>
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Carlos Muñoz
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Carlos Muñoz Jr., "Latino Student Walkouts: In 35 Years, What Has Changed?" 1 April 2003, from <em>Teaching Tolerance</em>, www.tolerance.org.
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Used by permission of the author.
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1
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2003
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Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Social Movements
-
Article/Essay
Text
Any textual data included in the document.
<p>An Interview with Antonio Gonzalez, President of the Southwest Voter Education Project</p>
<p>June 2004</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>What's the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project and the William C. Velasquez Institute?</strong></p>
<p>Â </p>
<p>Gonzalez: Southwest Voter Registration Education Project is a nonprofit, nonpartisan that is dedicated to increasing political participation among minorities, particularly Latinos, throughout the United States.</p>
<p>The William C. Velasquez Institute is another nonpartisan, nonprofit, organization that is dedicated to policy and research towards supporting effective governance by Latino voters and Latino-elected officials and leaders-- sort of a spinoff of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>Tell us about Willie Velasquez.</strong></p>
<p>Â </p>
<p>Gonzalez: Willie Velasquez was a radical youth from San Antonio of working-class origin who was a student at St. Mary's University, which was a hotbed of political activism at that time. The Chicanos were influenced by the black Civil Rights Movement, by Martin Luther King, particularly by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, by Malcolm X, and by their own homegrown heroes in Mexican American politics, which had a history, particularly in Texas and New Mexico, that antedated the Civil Rights Movement.</p>
<p>Willie was one of the founders of La Raza Unida, an independent Latino-Chicano third political party that was successful in many places in South Texas. He left Raza Unida [around 1970] to create Southwest Voter. It was finally founded in 1974. It was a tough row to hoe, getting it funded.</p>
<p>Latinos' numbers were declining in political participation until around the time Southwest Voter was founded. The numbers since have gone up consistently and dramatically. Hispanics have been the fastest-growing group in registration in voting in America since 1980, measured by every presidential election, without exception. Willie's contribution was to crete the vehicle for that and to believe that we could stimulate this.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>What was the initial impact of SVREP?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: Southwest Voter Registration Education Project and Willie Velasquez are key elements in the transition of the condition of the U.S. Latino community from utter and complete powerlessness to where we are today, which is having some power, but not enough. Clearly, we have changed our condition from being outside the power. Willie Velasquez's context was the era of powerlessness. That's why people were militant and protesting, organizing third parties. They were utterly excluded by policies, practices, barriers, laws, and institutions. Velasquez led the charge. He opened those doors.</p>
<p>Willie died in 1988. He had just begun to reinterpret Latino politics. I remember Willie beginning to agitate that we had to equip ourselves to govern because we were winning. When Southwest Voter started, there were about 1,300 Latino-elected officals in the country and about 2.3 million Latino voters. Ten years later, we nearly doubled the number of Latino-elected officials to about 2,500 and nearly 4 million Latinos were registered to vote.</p>
<p>Willie's whole team was a group of intellectuals, so they would think about these things. Willie agitated to create the capacity to train candidates and train elected officials and come up with new policy strategies, do opinion surveys, the sort of things that 20 years later we all do. Willie saw the Latino community governing. Henry Cisneros was mayor of San Antonio and on Mondale's short list for vice president. the Hispanic caucus of Texas was very powerful. Tony Anaya was governor of New Mexico.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>How did the Institute come about?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: Whillie was wrong [to think] that we had broken through and were in a condition of exercising power. It certainly wasn't true across the country, though it was true in Texas and New Mexico. That's why he created the institute, which was called the Southwest Voter Research Institute. We renamed it after Willie died to honor him. The institute started polling and doing international work to take delegations of Latino-elected officials and leaders to Central America. Willie went to Nicaragua and El Salvador. He was interested in revolutions. Willie was a global thinker.  </p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>That was the later stage of Willie's career and lifework, pondering "how do we govern?"</strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight:normal;">Willie saw the immigration reform in 1986, but he didn't get to see the big wave. None of us predicted the impact it was going to have in speeding up our political empowerment.</span></p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>Was his death a surprise?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: Totally. He was only 44. He got sick and a month later he died. I was a member of his staff. I'd been there for four years. I came in 1984, and I was involved with the '84 presidential campaign. Then I worked on special projects-- an immigration bill, the '87 Texas Legislature, and an international project called the Latin America Project.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>How did you deal with the sudden loss of your charismatic leader?</strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight:normal;">Gonzalez: I'm from California. When Willie died, I was sent back to California to help [keep] us from collapsing. We were on the verge of bankruptcy. We had the test of fire.</span></p>
<p>"There's a debate being argued... They say voting rights is a black-oriented program and Latinos are not excluded like African Americans are."</p>
<p>Willie had a number two named Andy Hernandez, who had been with Southwest Voter from the beginning. Fortunately, he was there and was able to step in. He had 14 years of experience with the organization, so he became the president when Willie passed away. We weathered everything that happens when you lose your charismatic superstar. We had to retool the fundraising and reassure the leadership. People thought we were going to disappear. We had a tough couple years.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>How did you keep on going?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: We had a hard-core group of staff who basically dedicated themselves to Willie's memory and said, "Not on our watch. We're not going to be recorded in history as the group that couldn't make it after Willie died."</p>
<p>It took a lot of hard work. The hardest part was figuring out how to raise money without the superstar doing it. [Before,] Willie would pick up a phone and we'd get money. We had to reestablish relationships with foundations, start raising money from corporations and unions who used to give us nothing, zippo.</p>
<p>Willie enjoyed the largesse. He was the darling of the New York liberals. When he went away, they went away. We had to go to our base. For at least a couple of years there was goodwill meaning, "We'll do this for Willie. We'll help Southwest for Willie." By the 1990s, we were able to get into "the self-interest cycle," meaning people have a self-interest in seeing the Hispanic vote grow. Once we got past the '92 election, people saw Southwest Voter was going to make it. So they came back.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><span style="font-weight:normal;"><strong>Andy Hernandez stepped down as SVREP president in 1994. What happened after that? </strong></span></p>
<p>Gonzalez: I was surprised when he stepped down. You know, I don't think Andy ever reconciled himself to being Willie's successor and being the head of Southwest Voter without Willie because they were like brothers. [Willie's death] was a personal tragedy for him. I was sort of in position because I was [Andy's] number two, although more focused on the Velasquez Institute, which had grown quite a bit and had a big international program. Andy sort of pooped it on me. I didn't really have a choice. he said, "I'm leaving, you're in." The board said, "Yeah, that's right." Been there ever since.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>How did you lead the organization out from under Willie's shadow, when SVREP had been so much about him?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: I will tell you, it's the reverse. Southwest Voter now is much bigger than Willie ever was. This year we'll quintuple the budget of Willie's biggest year. We do work in many more states. We're in 16 states, with partnerships that get us into 26 states. When Willie was alive and the institute and Southwest were together, they raised $1 million. When they were separate under Andy, he raised about $2 million. We'll do $5 million, maybe $6 million, between the two organizations this year.</p>
<p>We're clearly the preeminent Latino vote organization, bar none, registering and turning out people. We're going to hit 10 million [registered voters] this year. We were tow-and-a-half million when Willie started. We're at eight-and-a-half million now, and we'll hit 10 million [by the fall 2004 elections] maybe nine-and-a-half, 9.3-- it depends.</p>
<p>"You can't ask for a better situation. Both parties say they have to have your vote to win."</p>
<p>Our challenge is to keep Willie's memory alive. We're going to pay a lot of attention to that this year. It's our 30th anniversary. There's a book coming out about Willie in April: <em>The Life and Times of Willie Velasquez</em> (Arte Publico Press) by Juan Sepulveda.</p>
<p>We're going to push to create a Willie Velasquez archive. We're preparing to start the process to build a building, maybe a statue, in his honor on the West Side here in San Antonio. There's a Velasquez education building at St. Mary's University and Velasquez mural. There's a Velasquez [Walk]. There's Velasquez schools. We're going to do more because Willie is not known to the younger generation.</p>
<p>Â </p>
<p><strong>What are top priorities for the project?</strong></p>
<p>Gonzalez: We're setting up voter registration campaigns. We have active projects right now in Little Havana, Kendall, Hollywood, Tampa and Plant City in Florida; in Hobbs and Las Cruces, New Mexico; four different offices in Maricopa County [Phoenix], Arizona-- it's a big county-- and setting up in Tucson and Casa Grande. Seattle, Yakima Valley, the Tri-City are of Washington state, and about 20 more on the drawing board. We've still got to get into Albuguergue, got to get into Santa Fe.</p>
<p>We're shaking and baking. We've got offices of people moving all around. We're setting up the coalitions, contracting organizers. There's training going on in Albuquerque next weekend, and then two weeks after that, trainings in Miami-Dade and in Tucson. We have to set up 300 of these. Our partners are setting up another 150. </p>
<p>The Valasquez Institute is on a separate but complementary track, getting into the field in April with a national opinion survey. Through our leadership program, we're sending a religious delegation to Cuba. Through our community development program, we're conducting a solar retrofitting initiative with Hispanic businesses in urban Southern California as a policy response to the energy crisis. Energy's very expensive. Through our International program, we do Cuba, Central America. We have a drug policy reform initiative. We're co-sponsoring a national conference in Houston. We have a major research project going in anticipation of the Voting Rights Act [of 1965] reauthorization fight. It's a longitudinal study looking at 30 years of census data. We're seeking to measure the level of social, economic, and political inclusion of native-born Latinos.</p>
<p>There's a debate being argued from these neoconservative academics and Latino academics. They say voting rights is a black-oriented program and Latinos are not excluded like African American are. Therefore, the Voting Rights Act should not apply to Latinos, because Latinos are inevitably on a path of social, political and economic inclusion. It's just a matter of time and overcoming our own cultural barriers; that there are really no substantive barriers to inclusions.</p>
<p>We obviously disagree. And so we have to demonstrate that, based on the data on Latinos. We're looking specifically at native-borns because foreign-born do show increased inclusion because they became citizens. So it's a false positive when you look at immigrants.</p>
<p>"You had a golf tournament!"</p>
<p>Gonzalez: We do golf tournaments, we do annual banquets-- six of them: Miami, Houston, San Antonio, Phoenix, Los Angeles, and the Bay Area. We're doing a small-dollar endowment that we're launching this year where it's basically working folks. We're going to sign up ten thousand $1,000 donors from our network, where they give us $30 a month over three years, it's like dues, but it goes into an endowment.</p>
<p>You have to figure out something for each sector. What do we have? We have a lot of working folks. So that's that sector. And we have a professional sector; you have golf tournaments and fundraisers. Fundraisers include your corporate donors. We have a lot of people in anticipation of the money. Willie had to ask five people. It got harder. So you spend more time raising money, but we raise a lot more.</p>
<p>You can't ask for a better situation. Both parties say they have to have your vote to win. And when your vote is big enough to make a difference, and when you look like you're going to have the resources to mobilize the infrastructure to make a difference, issues that matter to our community are going to bubble up because we have these other things in place. This is the kind of context and scenario that I live for. And it's one that Willie lived for. He didn't get to see it, but a generation after his passing, it's here today.</p>
Dublin Core
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Type
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Article/Essay
Title
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"Our Challenge is to Keep Willie's Memory Alive"
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English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
William (Willie) Velásquez founded the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP) in 1974. The son of a butcher from San Antonio, Texas, he spent his adult life as a community organizer and political activist. Inspired by the African-American civil rights movement, he sought to inform and empower Mexican Americans about the democratic process. In the interview below, Antonio Gonzalez, who took over as president of SVREP after Velásquez's death in 1988, spoke with a reporter about Velásquez's mission and legacy.
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Joe Nick Patoski
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Joe Nick Patoski, "Our Challenges Is to Keep Willie's Memory Alive," 2004 from <em>Voices of Civil Rights</em>, http://www.voicesofcivilrights.org/civil3_gonzalez.html.
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1
Date
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2004
Coverage
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Contemporary US (1976 to the present)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Social Movements
Voting
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/mother--daughter-integration-protest_b970e88ff8.jpg
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English
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
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"School Desegration Pickets"
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Though rallies featured national figures like Martin Luther King, Jr., and lawsuits were often filed by men, the day-in, day-out on-the-ground organizing and protesting against school segregation was led by mothers who demanded the best possible education for their children. In 1958 in New York City, a group of mothers nicknamed the "Harlem Nine" vowed to "go to jail and rot there, if necessary," before sending their children to inferior schools created by the city's segregated housing patterns. In Milwaukee, mothers and children like those pictured below formed picket lines to demand integration; in 1964 Milwaukee parents and activists also organized a one-day boycott of the schools during which 15,000 students stayed home.
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Unknown
Source
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"School Desegregation Pickets," black and white photograph, (Milwaukee, WI: ca. 1964), WHi-4993, Lloyd A. Barbee Papers, Wisconsin Historical Society.
Rights
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Wisconsin Historical Society. <strong>All reproductions must make reference to the proper image numbers.</strong>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1964 (Circa)
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Social Movements
-
https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/fbi_missing_2ecae834b4.png
de24ba343ef756a1fbd0e83655b65459
Omeka Image File
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Bit Depth
8
Height
707
Width
450
Poster/Print
URL
http://www.fbi.gov/page2/feb07/miburn_missing.htm
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Type
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Poster/Print
Title
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"The FBI Wants Information About Three Missing Civil Rights Workers"
Language
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English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
An account of the resource
The three murdered civil rights workers from the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer Project are pictured on this FBI "missing" poster. On June 21st, Andrew Goodman, James Chaney, and Michael Schwerner were abducted and killed by Klansmen in an effort to intimidate volunteers working to register black voters. Their badly beaten bodies were found weeks later buried near Philadelphia, Mississippi. Although seven men were tried and convicted for minor federal crimes related to the murders, the state refused to investigate or indict the men, and none served more than a few years in jail. In 2005, Edgar Ray Killen was finally indicted and convicted for the murder of the three volunteers.
Creator
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Federal Bureau of Investigation
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Federal Bureau of Investigation, "Missing: Call FBI," 29 June 1964, from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, <em>A Byte Out of History: Mississippi Burning</em>, http://www.fbi.gov/page2/feb07/miburn022607.htm
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1964
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Citizenship
Social Movements
Freedom Summer
Ku Klux Klan
Social Movements
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https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/files/original/chicanoch10_4ee28cb70c.pdf
131c508db437355205903c6999269643
Book (excerpt)
Dublin Core
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Type
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Book
Title
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"The Fight for Educational Reform": Chicano Youth Demand Change
Language
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English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
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In this chapter from <em>Chicano!: The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement</em> F. Arturo Rosales explains the environment from which this Chicano youth movement developed and the tactics used by this student movement to bring about educational reform during the 1960s and early 1970s.
Creator
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F. Arturo Rosales
Source
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F. Arturo Rosales, <em>Chicano: The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement</em> (Arte Publico Press, 1997), 174-195
Rights
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We do not have permission to display this item publicly.
Date
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1997
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Social Movements
-
Teaching Activity
Objectives
<ul><li>
<p>Students will analyze the lyrics of a protest song to determine attitudes about the Vietnam War.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Students will evaluate the power of music to motivate people and to protest. Â </p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Students will create an original stanza of a Vietnam War protest song. Â </p>
</li>
</ul>
Materials
837
Lesson Plan Text
<p><strong>Step 1:</strong> Play the song "I -Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-To-Die Rag" by Country Joe MacDonald and have students follow along on a copy of the lyrics.</p>
<p><strong>Step 2: </strong>Â Ask students to describe what feeling(s) the musician was trying to express in the song they just listened to. Lead students in a discussion of how music can motivate and inspire people, using the example of the song they just listened to. Through discussion elicit that music can be a method of protest. Â </p>
<p><strong>Step 3:</strong> Divide students into small groups. Assign each group a different stanza of the song. Have them analyze the lyrics of the song. </p>
<ul><li>
<p>What "problem" or facet of the Vietnam War is the musician referencing?</p>
</li>
</ul><div>
<p>(Optional) Have each group report back to the class with their analysis of the stanza they were assigned.</p>
<p><strong>Step 4:</strong> Ask students to develop a list of words which are relevant to protests (fight, change, action, etc.).  Students can use words they see in the song lyrics.  Tell them they will use these words in the next step. </p>
<p><strong>Step 5:</strong> Working in their groups, students should write a new stanza for Country Joe's song. Â </p>
</div>
Dublin Core
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Language
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English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Title
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"Uncle Sam's Got Himself in a Terrible Jam": Protest Music and the Vietnam War
Description
An account of the resource
In this activity students analyze the lyrics to a popular Vietnam War protest song and discuss how music can be used to motivate people and for protest. Then students will create a new stanza for the protest song "I-Feel-Like-I'm Fixin'-To-Die Rag."
Creator
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American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
Source
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American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning, 2009.
Rights
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Copyright American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
<div><br />This work is licensed under a <a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License</a>.</div>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2009
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Group Work
Literature in the History Classroom
Social Movements
Vietnam War
-
Speech
Transcription
Any written text transcribed from a sound.
<p>For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:</p>
<p>O, yes, <br />I say it plain,<br />American never was America to me,<br />And yet I swear this oath — <br />America will be!</p>
<p>Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.</p>
<p>As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954 [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission—a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men—for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?</p>
<p>And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.</p>
<p>This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.</p>
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Type
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Speech
Title
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<em>Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence</em>
Language
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English
Publisher
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American Social History Project / Center for Media and Learning
Description
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On April 4, 1967, Martin Luther King delivered his first major public statement against the Vietnam War, entitled "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break the Silence." Addressing a crowd of 3,000 at Riverside Church in New York City, King condemned the war as anti-democratic, impractical, and unjust. He described the daily suffering of Vietnamese peasants caught in the crossfire, as well as the human and economic burdens being placed on America's poor. Not only were lower-class Americans more likely to fight in Vietnam, but Johnson's domestic "War on Poverty" designed to help poor families was being derailed by U.S. foreign policy. King called for an immediate end to the bombing and a negotiated peace settlement with Vietnam. Although some activists supported King's opposition to the war, many were concerned that the speech would be perceived as unpatriotic and hinder the civil rights struggle by connecting it to the more radical peace movement.
Creator
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Martin Luther King Jr.
Source
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Martin Luther King, Jr., "Beyond Vietnam—A Time to Break Silence," 4 April 1967, Estate of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., available from American Rhetoric Online Speech Bank, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkatimetobreaksilence.htm.
Primary
Is this Primary or Secondary? Enter 1 for Primary or 2 for Secondary.
1
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1967
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
Postwar America (1946-1975)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Social Movements
Martin Luther King
Social Movements
Vietnam War